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Tuesday's match between Greece and the Czech Republic has huge implications poland greece betting preview goal both sides poland greece betting preview goal terms of their chances to advance to the knockout stages of the European Championship. Greece was able to come away with a draw in its opening match against Poland in Warsaw, despite playing the majority of the match a man down. Poland greece betting preview goal Polish side looked in control, and it seemed they would start the tournament off with a win, but substitute Dimitris Salpingidis found the back of the net in the 51st minute to tie the game at one. The Czech Republic was taken behind the woodshed by Russia in its first match, falling in embarrassing fashion They'll certainly need a better effort if they want to avoid being all but mathematically eliminated after their first two games. Sokratis Papastathopoulos is suspended for this one after being sent off against Poland on a controversial call, to say the least. Avraam Papadopoulos, another key defensive contributor for the Greeks, is out of the tournament with a knee injury.

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It is in the nature of kids, especially boys, and we have to tackle these youth problems early because we want to nip the problem in the bud before they get into their first dip, first brush with the law or second brush with the law. Once they are exposed to hardcore drugs or criminals, then they are on a lifetime of crime, wasted.

And that again is multi-ministry, because it cannot just be done by good intentions in MCYS. So we must get people to move. We must start early in life and we must keep the avenues open for people to move up. If you are talented, you are hardworking, if you have drive and determination, however poor your background, there must be no financial or social impediment for you to move.

And I think we can say that institutionally, we have that. Schools, bursaries, fee remissions, universities — if you are able, you are willing to study and you show the performance, the door is open. We are widening access to higher education; particularly university places, where we have 25 per cent, going on to 30, of each cohort in state universities.

We have Mr Lawrence Wong with a committee studying how we can widen access further, in one form or another, so that more students can make it to tertiary education. More bursaries and scholarships will be given, and beyond the university, better places, better facilities in the polytechnics and the ITEs, at every level, to let students move up and achieve their best.

The principle is meritocracy. The most capable, the most reliable, the one with the most potential to go into the most crucial job. Because we want to put the person who is going to do it best so that the rest of us can be assured that nothing will go wrong. But we have to see meritocracy widely.

Not as a narrow, one-dimensional definition of success as being examinations and results, but a broader range of abilities, many models of achievement, many ways to make your mark. Whether it is the arts, whether it is sports, whether it is science, whether it is as a businessman, an entrepreneur or in the public sector, whether as a leader or a specialist. There are many ways to do well and society should recognise and celebrate all the different people who do well.

We also have to set the tone for our society if we want to keep our system open. Because the rules may be there, the scholarships may be there but if there is a social gap between the lower end and the higher end, if you are not accepted, you do not feel comfortable, you are awkward or a magic circle forms and you cannot get into the magic circle, I think that is very damaging. So we must keep our society open, egalitarian, informal. People socialising together, mixing freely together, getting to know one another, integrating into one Singapore team — in our state schools, during National Service, in life, in our hawker centres.

We have done this so far; there are many examples of students who have come up from poor homes who have excelled. We have kids who took part in theatre for the first time, discovered an aptitude, talent-spotted, and who are going into SOTA next year. We have a badminton player who developed his academic and athletic potential in the Sports School and will be representing Singapore in the upcoming SEA Games.

There are many more of such stories and we must make sure that every time there is a young boy or girl with the potential who was from a poor home, we identify him and we smoothen the path for him and we help him to make it. So the first approach towards dealing with our social problems is to strengthen the ability for people to succeed. But the second approach, which must complement the first one, is to strengthen our social safety nets because there is a yin and a yang.

The yang is what you try to do for yourself, to compete, to achieve, to thrust forward. With the yin , you are looking out for one another, giving your peer a helping hand, helping the person who cannot quite make it, come along and help to take the next step.

We have been doing more of this, especially for the low income and disadvantaged families. In the last five years, we created Workfare and ComCare. During the economic crisis, we implemented the Jobs Credit scheme aimed mainly at the lower end. And with Workfare, the Government is providing significant wage top-ups.

Every year, , workers benefit. A very substantial measure. Not a minimum wage, but better than a minimum wage and something which we will enhance as we gain experience, as we understand how it works, as we see where we need to do more. This is just as how we are enhancing ComCare, as Mdm Halimah informed members a couple of days ago. We also want to encourage employers to help low-end workers to upgrade to be able to earn more.

It is jargon. It means that when you outsource and you award a contract to a firm to do work — cleaning or maintenance or security — you want a firm who will have workers who are properly trained, properly equipped, properly paid. And not just a firm which will give you the lowest tender and then, having made the lowest tender, offer the lowest possible wage to the workers and do as little as he can without getting into trouble on the contract.

This is something which the unions are very focused on. Mr Zainal Sapari spoke at length on this a couple of days ago and the Government supports this. And I think the Government itself, as an employer, has to see how we would do this.

I think we have a problem with the lower-end workers because in the old days, the lower-end workers were unionised. We had daily-rated employees, they worked for the PUB, they worked for the Government, Environment Ministry but progressively, this unionised generation is not there anymore. The daily-rated employees are not there anymore. So there is nobody to speak for them, there is nobody to fight for their rights, nobody to argue, advocate on their behalf.

It is not easy to organise them but I think it is a problem we have which we have to find some way to solve. We owe it to these low-end workers to make sure that they too can earn a decent living in Singapore. Our focus is on the low-end but we will extend the support beyond the low-end, selectively where it is deserved and justified, also to the not-so-poor.

The lower-middle income, the middle income workers, people who are not so poor that they need help every month, but from time to time run into difficulty and then they need some assistance to tide over that period.

And that is why we are paying attention to long-term care for chronic sick and elderly, because I think many of the families in the middle have elderly parents. If they are working and their parents are well, that is fine. But if they are working and their parents get ill, that can be quite a burden. And if the illness is catastrophic, for instance if they have cancer, that is even more difficult, drugs are expensive and it can carry on for many years.

So these are problems we have and which we are focusing on, and I think we understand that in an environment where incomes are stretching out, where the middle-income are sometimes having to struggle to make ends meet, some helping hand will be necessary. The most important thing we do for Singaporeans of course is to help every family own a home, a HDB flat. Mr Khaw Boon Wan spoke at length about it yesterday and I am sure that will not be his last speech in this House on this subject.

I would just like to add a few words that the house is much more than a secure roof over their heads. The house, in Singapore, is also a major way for us to level up the less successful and to give them a valuable asset and a retirement nest egg. We are using the HDB flat as a means to give every Singaporean household a stake. This the house belongs to me, this is what I am going to work for and help pay for, this is what I am proud of, this is what I will defend and this is what I really should keep until retirement.

So that is why we are making sure that HDB flats are affordable, even to lower-income households. Already, we are giving the poorer households more support when they buy flats. The new MPs who may not have heard of such jargon, should know that there are additional housing grants if your income is not so high and if your income is quite low, there are special housing grants on top of the additional housing grant. And maybe one day, we will have an extra special housing grant. But the purpose of this is to target the subsidies, the assistance, the Government support, so that I give the lower-end an extra helping hand up.

Here, this the house is yours, please take good care of it. We do have a problem because a minority is not always taking good care of it. Some of them, having bought a flat, are getting into debt. Their flat is protected. In fact, the creditor cannot foreclose and take a flat away from you. But a creditor can put enough pressure on you that you feel that you have no choice but to sell the flat and clear your debts and go and see your MP and ask for another one.

That is a very serious problem and that is one of the important reasons why we have a long queue for rental flats. And we must find some way to address this problem. It is not easy but to be honest, I think we have to acknowledge that there is a difficulty here which has to be tackled.

The third aspect of making an inclusive society is to enable Singaporeans to age with dignity and grace. We are going to have a silver tsunami coming and we need a national effort to plan ahead to be ready for it so that it does not wash us away. We need elderly people to be able to work longer, to help them to work longer, to help employers to keep them at work productively.

And I think if you look at the numbers, the proportion of elderly Singaporeans who are working longer is going up and will continue to go up. But most importantly, I think mindsets are changing. People are beginning to understand that it is good to work and employers are beginning to understand that older workers have their advantages.

They are steadier, they may not be quite so strong and resilient, but they are reliable and if you can keep them for a long time, they can be productive for a very long time. To prepare for the silver tsunami, we need to contain and share healthcare costs. This, also, the Ministry of Health is doing. Mr Gan Kim Yong has been focusing on that. We need to build up care services so that there will be more hospitals, many more nursing homes but, beyond hospitals and nursing homes, also community facilities and home care.

Because for old folks, if you can stay at home, it is always much better than if you have to go to a nursing home or have to be at a hospital, because you want the elderly to enjoy their care and the love of the family and to be near friends and the community. So these are major national initiatives which will be necessary over the next 10 years. I say national because it cannot be done just by the Government. You will need VWOs, you need community groups, you need households, parents, families all to participate and do their part.

We can help to orchestrate this but it is something which has to be a national effort. All these measures are essential if we are going to help the lower-income Singaporeans earn more, if we are going to enable more of their children to do well, if we are going to prepare for an aging society. The trends themselves will be hard to reverse but what we do will make a major difference and will help to ensure that nobody is left behind. Social spending by the State will grow.

As Ms Indranee reminded us, these programmes all cost money and some of this money will have to come from the State and the Government is prepared for this. We made major revisions to our revenue streams in the last term of this Government and I think we will be okay for this term of the Government.

But it is not just having enough money, you must have programmes which are properly designed and must yield results. I wanted to say the programmes need to be cost-effective. We have to worry about the cost, the programmes have to work and at the very least, they must not make things worse. And in social spending, it is quite possible for more money to make things worse. If you look at the way families have completely broken down in the West, it has a lot to do with the way the welfare state was implemented and the money which was spent supporting single mothers.

So we must make sure that we spend the money well and the money goes to effective projects and they really are investments in our people. We would like to think so, we would like to try our best to make it so. But if you look at the US healthcare system, if you look at the problems which the Europeans have with their welfare state — the Greeks are the worst, but so too many other European countries — you know that more spending is not always better and just calling it an investment does not mean it is going to yield you a positive return.

So, we have to make sure that somebody is keeping our system straight and sustainable. The next five years, I am quite confident we have adequate resources, we can do what is necessary. Beyond that, it will depend on how much our needs and our programmes go. But I can tell you that if we do all the things which have been mooted over the last few days in this chamber, we will not have to wait five years before you think about raising taxes.

We would have to think now where the money is going to come from and so I think we move, but have a care and make sure that we get results. By building an inclusive society, we will strengthen our social compact and we will build a Singapore where we care for one another; where we can treat one another with grace, with courtesy and respect, where we understand the rights and responsibilities of citizenship and a society which represents the best of Singapore and the best of Singaporeans.

Social cohesion and intangible aspirations are important. But so too is a vibrant economy. We need a vibrant economy if you are going to create jobs, if you are going to raise wages, if you are going to generate confidence in a brighter future. Because if the economy is slow, if nothing is happening, it is very hard to be optimistic, to find new opportunities and to have a zest for tomorrow.

You look at Japan — high level of income, high technology, very disciplined, very well-educated people. What is missing? A certain zest because their optimism is not there that they can grow, that tomorrow would be better and it is an exciting journey we are on. And I think that is why growth is important to us. Without growth, as many members have pointed out, including Ms Amy Khor, the poor will be the worst hit.

So when members say, well, we have over-emphasised growth, I would say have a care. Focus on social issues; I have spent a lot of time talking about them. Focus on intangibles, focus on emotional connection, but do not forget that we need to feed our people and we need to grow our economy. We aim for high-quality and inclusive growth. But we must also recognise that competition is fiercer than ever.

Every year, the Chinese produce seven million graduates. Indians produce another three. That is 10 million, equal to two Singapores. They are going to have an impact in the world, not just at the lower-end and blue-collar professions, but middle-income white-collar professionals everywhere in the world. It is a tide and we have to ride it. Competition is threatening entire industries and jobs.

They call it hyper-competition. There are many PHDs in the world like that: poor, hungry, driven. We are not poor, we are not hungry but I think we have to be driven. It used to be called outsourcing. You find a company in India or China, you give him the job, he does it for you. Now, they call it crowd-sourcing. I put it on the Internet, whoever can do the job, come and take the contract, you do the work.

Some are simple jobs like webpage design or writing a review. You can go to freelancer. If you have spare time and want some pocket money, you can just take a job like that and do it. Others are complex projects. So it is a different kind of world.

We would like to keep the competition away — not have so many foreigners here because they compete against us, give ourselves a bit more pay because cost of living is high. We would like to improve our lives but we cannot wish away the competition just by doing that. Whether you vote for the PAP or the Opposition, that is the world we live in.

So, we have to recognise that. If you look within Singapore, you have to recognise another very important fact and that is that our growth is likely to slow down. Our economy is more developed, it cannot expand in the same adolescent way as it used to — seven, eight per cent a year effortlessly, year after year. We have domestic constraints of population and space.

Our population is growing, Singapore is getting crowded, space is being allocated. We are slowing down the inflow of foreign workers and immigrants. But that means squeezing out more businesses and reducing more growth. There is a very high opportunity cost. There is a trade-off.

Already, many employers are feeling it, especially small- and medium-sized enterprises SMEs , especially those which are run by Singaporeans because they tend to be the less generous paymasters and the first ones to run into difficulty when they are unable to get workers. But it is not just the SMEs, it is also industries staffed mainly by foreigners serving Singaporeans like nursing homes because if you cannot find staff from the Philippines or from Indonesia or wherever the nurses come from, we will not find enough Singaporeans to do this.

So we are going to face slower growth over the next ten years. We have made 5. We have to moderate, adjust our expectations, understand what is possible within those parameters to the best that we can and do it as intelligently as possible. So how can we grow in this environment? MTI has been pursuing this strategy for some time now — restructure the economy. What does that mean? Turn over the industries, phase out those which are lower value-added, phase out those which are low margin, not profitable without a bright future, phase in new industries, new technology, new know-how, new skills, new trained workers and therefore, raise productivity in every sector and therefore we can share the benefits amongst all Singaporeans who have good jobs.

What is the silver bullet to do this? There is none. With hard work you can do it. Hard work educating our young, up-skilling our workers, therefore raising our level and raising above the competition. Not meeting them head on or trying to be cheaper than them, but rising above them, to be better than them and at the same time, making a special effort to help the older workers and the PMETs because I think we are going to see more problems with them in the next ten years as Ms Low Yen Ling and Mr Patrick Tay reminded us yesterday.

With the good workers you can get investments, you can get good productive jobs and then you can have the wealth, you can have social measures which will help the yin complement the yang. And we can get through and succeed economically. One advantage which we do have when it comes to the economy which is unique to us and very valuable, and I am afraid often underappreciated by Singaporeans, is that in Singapore we can make our whole system work well, not just individual pieces but the whole system.

Our unions work with our employers and the Government; we have tripartism. Our business environment — everything clicks, you can register your company, two dollars and 20 minutes, it is done. You want telecoms, you can have it. You want an SIA flight, you can have it.

You want utilities, it is there. It is a tight, high-functioning system where the whole is more than the sum of its parts. It is because of this that Singaporeans enjoy wages beyond what they would earn if the same person with the same skill goes to work somewhere else. You cross the Causeway, you work somewhere or you just go overseas, work somewhere, one of neighbouring countries, any of our neighbouring countries, no one gets the same wage. In fact many people come here to work from those neighbouring countries because they are taking advantage of our whole system performance, our entire system excellence and we are taking advantage of that because they add to our numbers.

So we have to keep that and, through that, I think our Singaporeans can have a premium and if they can strengthen that advantage, that premium can go up. Many business leaders recognize that there is this special Singapore premium, it is not just a figment of our imagination.

Therefore they put major projects in Singapore even though we are not always the lowest cost location or even the biggest market or their home countries. They come here and that is why now we have high quality investments even in a quite difficult global environment and when they meet me which we often do, I have met quite a number of them recently, they strongly advise me to uphold the fundamentals, stay the course and never lose this advantage.

And what they do not tell me which I know is that of all the economic factors, this entire system performance is the one which most depends on our getting our politics right. So underpinning a harmonious society, inclusive society, underpinning a vibrant economy, we must have a constructive politics which puts Singapore first. Our politics is not constant; it is evolving, it happens in every country, it is happening in Singapore.

Nothing is permanent, no situation is forever, no solution works indefinitely. Our politics is evolving in response to new economic and social realities because our economy is facing challenges for the future, because our society is having greater income gaps. It is becoming more diverse therefore our politics is reflecting the social and economic conditions.

There are more diverse interests and perspectives among different segments of the population. We have a better- educated population, they want to hear more alternative voices, they like closer engagement and they believe in a different relationship with the Government.

As one of them said in the old days we were here, the Government is here PM uses his hands to show a gap between the people and Government , now we are here, the Government is here, the gap is not so big PM narrows the gap between his hands. So therefore the relationship has changed and I think that is correct and the relationship ought to change. The internet is playing a role, it is not just a passive medium but it also shapes our interactions and it redefines our sense of belonging and affinity because, on the internet, you are not necessarily interacting with your neighbour or your fellow Singaporean or even your classmate in school.

It could be a special interest group who may live in California or Australia, it could be a World of Warcraft opponent who might be in eastern Europe or Russia or China farming for money. It could be a tiny little interest group collecting stamps or building model aeroplanes. But each person, each group, is fragmented into your little narrow-casted sub-sub-society, not one inclusive cohesive Singapore society. That makes for different politics and we saw the effects this year in two elections, in May at the general election and in August at the presidential election.

I think it is necessary and healthy for politics to adapt to changes in our society and to be up to date and in sync with the times. Because if you do not adapt as a society, it goes brittle and one day it will break. But we cannot assume that just because you are changing, you are moving forward. You could be going the wrong way, you could get into a dead end. We have to consciously find the right way forward so as to avoid problems which other countries have run into.

Singapore is not quite the same as other countries. Many things have changed but one thing has not changed and that is that we still need a capable and effective government. We are a small country. We are successful but our success remains an act of will. Levitate, stay there, do not fall down, do not lose that determination to keep levitating and keep performing and rise higher.

If we have bad leadership, if you made the wrong policies or do the wrong thing, you can easily fail. Therefore we are different from other countries. We cannot have a low-key government unlike, say, Switzerland where you just have a council of ministers and the ministers take turns to be the Prime Minister or like the Scandinavian countries where it is a very homogenous society, your neighbours are also successful societies similar to yours and the society can run itself, civil servants can run it and the politicians, well, you add to the system but life can go on.

Least of all can we afford in Singapore gridlock or malfunction, which happens in many first world parliaments. Belgium is a very interesting case. In 67 years, they have had 45 governments. So about once every year plus and for the last days, since the last election, they have had no government at all because they have not been able to form a coalition.

There is no vote of confidence, so there is no government but the old Prime Minister is still there and he is still conducting business and life goes on. Japan, a much more established society than us, has had six Prime Ministers in five years. I think if that happens to Singapore, we are in serious trouble.

So how do we respond to this new political situation? I think first of all we have to take a much more open approach to government and to governance. The way we organize ourselves, the way we conduct our affairs. We need to welcome different views, reach out to diverse groups, including critics, hear them, exchange with them, pick up ideas from them, persuade them.

We will share more information with the public, whether it is information on population trends, whether it is information on our employment figures or foreign workers, even GIC investments. We are publishing more information now than we used to do, whatever we can. Not everything can be disclosed — we do not want to tell the world the overall size of our reserves and we cannot publish our defence plans. But wherever possible, we would disclose more rather than less. As we go forward, we will review the rules and what we are putting out and I am sure over time we will do progressively more.

We need to engage citizens more in the decisions affecting them across a wide range, from special groups, VWOs, helping special needs children or nature groups or animal welfare groups, to specific issues which are important but where there are specific groups which are concerned like looking at the CPF which concerns workers, employers and older workers.

But even on broader issues, like population, like immigration, I think it is constructive of us to have a discussion, to debate, to examine the facts, to understand what the tradeoffs are, to focus minds. It is not a conclusive last word but it was a very helpful contribution to the public debate.

I think it helped to educate people and make them understand what this is about and I think over the next year, we will put out more papers, we will discuss them, get people to focus their minds and to understand that we actually face very serious tradeoffs. There is no free lunch, you can say you want to have fewer, but if you have fewer, there are serious consequences. But the public debate is not a free-for-all and there are risks.

The French tried this. They had a debate on what it meant to be French because they wanted to close over some of the fault lines in society — between the immigrants, the Muslims and the non-Muslims in France.

But it took a nasty turn, it became a xenophobic discussion, the Government had to try and smooth things down and distance themselves from the debate. So while we debate sensitive issues, we have to be very careful not to let sensible, moderate, thoughtful views be drowned out by unthinking xenophobia.

So that is the first thing we do. Take a more open approach to government. The second thing we must do is to have more space for civic society and pull the Government back wherever possible so as to have Singaporeans take the lead and act on their own. I spoke about this at the National Day Rally and I described the Yellow Ribbon project and how volunteers were doing a lot of good work helping prisoners rehabilitate themselves.

But there are many other examples. Many are talking about an aging society and preparing for that. But let us never fear to negotiate. Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us. Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.

Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths and encourage the arts and commerce. Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to "undo the heavy burdens.

And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved. All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet.

But let us begin. In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe. Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need--not as a call to battle, though embattled we are-- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation"--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease and war itself.

Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort? In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger.

I do not shrink from this responsibility--I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.

And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country. My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man. Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you.

With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own. Skip past main navigation. Inaugural Address, January 20, January 20, Vice President Johnson, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens: We observe today not a victory of party but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end as well as a beginning--signifying renewal as well as change.

This much we pledge--and more. Identifier Accession. Rights Access Status. Relation Is Part Of Desc. Subject Geog. Type Category. Format Medium. Format Media Type. Creator Maker. Language ISO Type ARC. Title Folder.

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The early results on November 3, however, suggested that the betting market turned out to be quite prescient. Eastern Time up to 69 percent just after midnight. When Biden began to perform more favorably in states like Georgia and Arizona, bettors began to lean toward him again, and the Democratic candidate has held on to his lead as the frontrunner since.

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Next Up In The Goods. Email required. By signing up, you agree to our Privacy Notice and European users agree to the data transfer policy. For more newsletters, check out our newsletters page. Ms Low Yen Ling also spoke about this and how there are children in pre-primary or pre-school who have learning difficulties and need to be diagnosed and identified and helped early. And these are all very sensible, very practical approaches which we will pursue and pursue aggressively.

Even then, some kids will get into trouble. It is in the nature of kids, especially boys, and we have to tackle these youth problems early because we want to nip the problem in the bud before they get into their first dip, first brush with the law or second brush with the law. Once they are exposed to hardcore drugs or criminals, then they are on a lifetime of crime, wasted. And that again is multi-ministry, because it cannot just be done by good intentions in MCYS.

So we must get people to move. We must start early in life and we must keep the avenues open for people to move up. If you are talented, you are hardworking, if you have drive and determination, however poor your background, there must be no financial or social impediment for you to move.

And I think we can say that institutionally, we have that. Schools, bursaries, fee remissions, universities — if you are able, you are willing to study and you show the performance, the door is open. We are widening access to higher education; particularly university places, where we have 25 per cent, going on to 30, of each cohort in state universities.

We have Mr Lawrence Wong with a committee studying how we can widen access further, in one form or another, so that more students can make it to tertiary education. More bursaries and scholarships will be given, and beyond the university, better places, better facilities in the polytechnics and the ITEs, at every level, to let students move up and achieve their best.

The principle is meritocracy. The most capable, the most reliable, the one with the most potential to go into the most crucial job. Because we want to put the person who is going to do it best so that the rest of us can be assured that nothing will go wrong.

But we have to see meritocracy widely. Not as a narrow, one-dimensional definition of success as being examinations and results, but a broader range of abilities, many models of achievement, many ways to make your mark. Whether it is the arts, whether it is sports, whether it is science, whether it is as a businessman, an entrepreneur or in the public sector, whether as a leader or a specialist.

There are many ways to do well and society should recognise and celebrate all the different people who do well. We also have to set the tone for our society if we want to keep our system open. Because the rules may be there, the scholarships may be there but if there is a social gap between the lower end and the higher end, if you are not accepted, you do not feel comfortable, you are awkward or a magic circle forms and you cannot get into the magic circle, I think that is very damaging.

So we must keep our society open, egalitarian, informal. People socialising together, mixing freely together, getting to know one another, integrating into one Singapore team — in our state schools, during National Service, in life, in our hawker centres. We have done this so far; there are many examples of students who have come up from poor homes who have excelled. We have kids who took part in theatre for the first time, discovered an aptitude, talent-spotted, and who are going into SOTA next year.

We have a badminton player who developed his academic and athletic potential in the Sports School and will be representing Singapore in the upcoming SEA Games. There are many more of such stories and we must make sure that every time there is a young boy or girl with the potential who was from a poor home, we identify him and we smoothen the path for him and we help him to make it.

So the first approach towards dealing with our social problems is to strengthen the ability for people to succeed. But the second approach, which must complement the first one, is to strengthen our social safety nets because there is a yin and a yang. The yang is what you try to do for yourself, to compete, to achieve, to thrust forward. With the yin , you are looking out for one another, giving your peer a helping hand, helping the person who cannot quite make it, come along and help to take the next step.

We have been doing more of this, especially for the low income and disadvantaged families. In the last five years, we created Workfare and ComCare. During the economic crisis, we implemented the Jobs Credit scheme aimed mainly at the lower end.

And with Workfare, the Government is providing significant wage top-ups. Every year, , workers benefit. A very substantial measure. Not a minimum wage, but better than a minimum wage and something which we will enhance as we gain experience, as we understand how it works, as we see where we need to do more. This is just as how we are enhancing ComCare, as Mdm Halimah informed members a couple of days ago. We also want to encourage employers to help low-end workers to upgrade to be able to earn more.

It is jargon. It means that when you outsource and you award a contract to a firm to do work — cleaning or maintenance or security — you want a firm who will have workers who are properly trained, properly equipped, properly paid. And not just a firm which will give you the lowest tender and then, having made the lowest tender, offer the lowest possible wage to the workers and do as little as he can without getting into trouble on the contract.

This is something which the unions are very focused on. Mr Zainal Sapari spoke at length on this a couple of days ago and the Government supports this. And I think the Government itself, as an employer, has to see how we would do this. I think we have a problem with the lower-end workers because in the old days, the lower-end workers were unionised.

We had daily-rated employees, they worked for the PUB, they worked for the Government, Environment Ministry but progressively, this unionised generation is not there anymore. The daily-rated employees are not there anymore. So there is nobody to speak for them, there is nobody to fight for their rights, nobody to argue, advocate on their behalf. It is not easy to organise them but I think it is a problem we have which we have to find some way to solve. We owe it to these low-end workers to make sure that they too can earn a decent living in Singapore.

Our focus is on the low-end but we will extend the support beyond the low-end, selectively where it is deserved and justified, also to the not-so-poor. The lower-middle income, the middle income workers, people who are not so poor that they need help every month, but from time to time run into difficulty and then they need some assistance to tide over that period.

And that is why we are paying attention to long-term care for chronic sick and elderly, because I think many of the families in the middle have elderly parents. If they are working and their parents are well, that is fine. But if they are working and their parents get ill, that can be quite a burden. And if the illness is catastrophic, for instance if they have cancer, that is even more difficult, drugs are expensive and it can carry on for many years. So these are problems we have and which we are focusing on, and I think we understand that in an environment where incomes are stretching out, where the middle-income are sometimes having to struggle to make ends meet, some helping hand will be necessary.

The most important thing we do for Singaporeans of course is to help every family own a home, a HDB flat. Mr Khaw Boon Wan spoke at length about it yesterday and I am sure that will not be his last speech in this House on this subject. I would just like to add a few words that the house is much more than a secure roof over their heads.

The house, in Singapore, is also a major way for us to level up the less successful and to give them a valuable asset and a retirement nest egg. We are using the HDB flat as a means to give every Singaporean household a stake.

This the house belongs to me, this is what I am going to work for and help pay for, this is what I am proud of, this is what I will defend and this is what I really should keep until retirement. So that is why we are making sure that HDB flats are affordable, even to lower-income households. Already, we are giving the poorer households more support when they buy flats. The new MPs who may not have heard of such jargon, should know that there are additional housing grants if your income is not so high and if your income is quite low, there are special housing grants on top of the additional housing grant.

And maybe one day, we will have an extra special housing grant. But the purpose of this is to target the subsidies, the assistance, the Government support, so that I give the lower-end an extra helping hand up. Here, this the house is yours, please take good care of it. We do have a problem because a minority is not always taking good care of it.

Some of them, having bought a flat, are getting into debt. Their flat is protected. In fact, the creditor cannot foreclose and take a flat away from you. But a creditor can put enough pressure on you that you feel that you have no choice but to sell the flat and clear your debts and go and see your MP and ask for another one. That is a very serious problem and that is one of the important reasons why we have a long queue for rental flats. And we must find some way to address this problem.

It is not easy but to be honest, I think we have to acknowledge that there is a difficulty here which has to be tackled. The third aspect of making an inclusive society is to enable Singaporeans to age with dignity and grace. We are going to have a silver tsunami coming and we need a national effort to plan ahead to be ready for it so that it does not wash us away.

We need elderly people to be able to work longer, to help them to work longer, to help employers to keep them at work productively. And I think if you look at the numbers, the proportion of elderly Singaporeans who are working longer is going up and will continue to go up.

But most importantly, I think mindsets are changing. People are beginning to understand that it is good to work and employers are beginning to understand that older workers have their advantages. They are steadier, they may not be quite so strong and resilient, but they are reliable and if you can keep them for a long time, they can be productive for a very long time.

To prepare for the silver tsunami, we need to contain and share healthcare costs. This, also, the Ministry of Health is doing. Mr Gan Kim Yong has been focusing on that. We need to build up care services so that there will be more hospitals, many more nursing homes but, beyond hospitals and nursing homes, also community facilities and home care. Because for old folks, if you can stay at home, it is always much better than if you have to go to a nursing home or have to be at a hospital, because you want the elderly to enjoy their care and the love of the family and to be near friends and the community.

So these are major national initiatives which will be necessary over the next 10 years. I say national because it cannot be done just by the Government. You will need VWOs, you need community groups, you need households, parents, families all to participate and do their part. We can help to orchestrate this but it is something which has to be a national effort.

All these measures are essential if we are going to help the lower-income Singaporeans earn more, if we are going to enable more of their children to do well, if we are going to prepare for an aging society. The trends themselves will be hard to reverse but what we do will make a major difference and will help to ensure that nobody is left behind.

Social spending by the State will grow. As Ms Indranee reminded us, these programmes all cost money and some of this money will have to come from the State and the Government is prepared for this. We made major revisions to our revenue streams in the last term of this Government and I think we will be okay for this term of the Government. But it is not just having enough money, you must have programmes which are properly designed and must yield results.

I wanted to say the programmes need to be cost-effective. We have to worry about the cost, the programmes have to work and at the very least, they must not make things worse. And in social spending, it is quite possible for more money to make things worse. If you look at the way families have completely broken down in the West, it has a lot to do with the way the welfare state was implemented and the money which was spent supporting single mothers. So we must make sure that we spend the money well and the money goes to effective projects and they really are investments in our people.

We would like to think so, we would like to try our best to make it so. But if you look at the US healthcare system, if you look at the problems which the Europeans have with their welfare state — the Greeks are the worst, but so too many other European countries — you know that more spending is not always better and just calling it an investment does not mean it is going to yield you a positive return.

So, we have to make sure that somebody is keeping our system straight and sustainable. The next five years, I am quite confident we have adequate resources, we can do what is necessary. Beyond that, it will depend on how much our needs and our programmes go. But I can tell you that if we do all the things which have been mooted over the last few days in this chamber, we will not have to wait five years before you think about raising taxes.

We would have to think now where the money is going to come from and so I think we move, but have a care and make sure that we get results. By building an inclusive society, we will strengthen our social compact and we will build a Singapore where we care for one another; where we can treat one another with grace, with courtesy and respect, where we understand the rights and responsibilities of citizenship and a society which represents the best of Singapore and the best of Singaporeans.

Social cohesion and intangible aspirations are important. But so too is a vibrant economy. We need a vibrant economy if you are going to create jobs, if you are going to raise wages, if you are going to generate confidence in a brighter future. Because if the economy is slow, if nothing is happening, it is very hard to be optimistic, to find new opportunities and to have a zest for tomorrow.

You look at Japan — high level of income, high technology, very disciplined, very well-educated people. What is missing? A certain zest because their optimism is not there that they can grow, that tomorrow would be better and it is an exciting journey we are on.

And I think that is why growth is important to us. Without growth, as many members have pointed out, including Ms Amy Khor, the poor will be the worst hit. So when members say, well, we have over-emphasised growth, I would say have a care. Focus on social issues; I have spent a lot of time talking about them.

Focus on intangibles, focus on emotional connection, but do not forget that we need to feed our people and we need to grow our economy. We aim for high-quality and inclusive growth. But we must also recognise that competition is fiercer than ever. Every year, the Chinese produce seven million graduates.

Indians produce another three. That is 10 million, equal to two Singapores. They are going to have an impact in the world, not just at the lower-end and blue-collar professions, but middle-income white-collar professionals everywhere in the world. It is a tide and we have to ride it. Competition is threatening entire industries and jobs. They call it hyper-competition. There are many PHDs in the world like that: poor, hungry, driven.

We are not poor, we are not hungry but I think we have to be driven. It used to be called outsourcing. You find a company in India or China, you give him the job, he does it for you. Now, they call it crowd-sourcing. I put it on the Internet, whoever can do the job, come and take the contract, you do the work. Some are simple jobs like webpage design or writing a review. You can go to freelancer. If you have spare time and want some pocket money, you can just take a job like that and do it.

Others are complex projects. So it is a different kind of world. We would like to keep the competition away — not have so many foreigners here because they compete against us, give ourselves a bit more pay because cost of living is high. We would like to improve our lives but we cannot wish away the competition just by doing that. Whether you vote for the PAP or the Opposition, that is the world we live in. So, we have to recognise that.

If you look within Singapore, you have to recognise another very important fact and that is that our growth is likely to slow down. Our economy is more developed, it cannot expand in the same adolescent way as it used to — seven, eight per cent a year effortlessly, year after year. We have domestic constraints of population and space. Our population is growing, Singapore is getting crowded, space is being allocated.

We are slowing down the inflow of foreign workers and immigrants. But that means squeezing out more businesses and reducing more growth. There is a very high opportunity cost. There is a trade-off. Already, many employers are feeling it, especially small- and medium-sized enterprises SMEs , especially those which are run by Singaporeans because they tend to be the less generous paymasters and the first ones to run into difficulty when they are unable to get workers.

But it is not just the SMEs, it is also industries staffed mainly by foreigners serving Singaporeans like nursing homes because if you cannot find staff from the Philippines or from Indonesia or wherever the nurses come from, we will not find enough Singaporeans to do this. So we are going to face slower growth over the next ten years. We have made 5. We have to moderate, adjust our expectations, understand what is possible within those parameters to the best that we can and do it as intelligently as possible.

So how can we grow in this environment? MTI has been pursuing this strategy for some time now — restructure the economy. What does that mean? Turn over the industries, phase out those which are lower value-added, phase out those which are low margin, not profitable without a bright future, phase in new industries, new technology, new know-how, new skills, new trained workers and therefore, raise productivity in every sector and therefore we can share the benefits amongst all Singaporeans who have good jobs.

What is the silver bullet to do this? There is none. With hard work you can do it. Hard work educating our young, up-skilling our workers, therefore raising our level and raising above the competition. Not meeting them head on or trying to be cheaper than them, but rising above them, to be better than them and at the same time, making a special effort to help the older workers and the PMETs because I think we are going to see more problems with them in the next ten years as Ms Low Yen Ling and Mr Patrick Tay reminded us yesterday.

With the good workers you can get investments, you can get good productive jobs and then you can have the wealth, you can have social measures which will help the yin complement the yang. And we can get through and succeed economically. One advantage which we do have when it comes to the economy which is unique to us and very valuable, and I am afraid often underappreciated by Singaporeans, is that in Singapore we can make our whole system work well, not just individual pieces but the whole system.

Our unions work with our employers and the Government; we have tripartism. Our business environment — everything clicks, you can register your company, two dollars and 20 minutes, it is done. You want telecoms, you can have it.

You want an SIA flight, you can have it. You want utilities, it is there. It is a tight, high-functioning system where the whole is more than the sum of its parts. It is because of this that Singaporeans enjoy wages beyond what they would earn if the same person with the same skill goes to work somewhere else.

You cross the Causeway, you work somewhere or you just go overseas, work somewhere, one of neighbouring countries, any of our neighbouring countries, no one gets the same wage. In fact many people come here to work from those neighbouring countries because they are taking advantage of our whole system performance, our entire system excellence and we are taking advantage of that because they add to our numbers. So we have to keep that and, through that, I think our Singaporeans can have a premium and if they can strengthen that advantage, that premium can go up.

Many business leaders recognize that there is this special Singapore premium, it is not just a figment of our imagination. Therefore they put major projects in Singapore even though we are not always the lowest cost location or even the biggest market or their home countries. They come here and that is why now we have high quality investments even in a quite difficult global environment and when they meet me which we often do, I have met quite a number of them recently, they strongly advise me to uphold the fundamentals, stay the course and never lose this advantage.

And what they do not tell me which I know is that of all the economic factors, this entire system performance is the one which most depends on our getting our politics right. So underpinning a harmonious society, inclusive society, underpinning a vibrant economy, we must have a constructive politics which puts Singapore first. Our politics is not constant; it is evolving, it happens in every country, it is happening in Singapore.

Nothing is permanent, no situation is forever, no solution works indefinitely. Our politics is evolving in response to new economic and social realities because our economy is facing challenges for the future, because our society is having greater income gaps.

It is becoming more diverse therefore our politics is reflecting the social and economic conditions. There are more diverse interests and perspectives among different segments of the population. We have a better- educated population, they want to hear more alternative voices, they like closer engagement and they believe in a different relationship with the Government. As one of them said in the old days we were here, the Government is here PM uses his hands to show a gap between the people and Government , now we are here, the Government is here, the gap is not so big PM narrows the gap between his hands.

So therefore the relationship has changed and I think that is correct and the relationship ought to change. The internet is playing a role, it is not just a passive medium but it also shapes our interactions and it redefines our sense of belonging and affinity because, on the internet, you are not necessarily interacting with your neighbour or your fellow Singaporean or even your classmate in school. It could be a special interest group who may live in California or Australia, it could be a World of Warcraft opponent who might be in eastern Europe or Russia or China farming for money.

It could be a tiny little interest group collecting stamps or building model aeroplanes. But each person, each group, is fragmented into your little narrow-casted sub-sub-society, not one inclusive cohesive Singapore society. That makes for different politics and we saw the effects this year in two elections, in May at the general election and in August at the presidential election.

I think it is necessary and healthy for politics to adapt to changes in our society and to be up to date and in sync with the times. Because if you do not adapt as a society, it goes brittle and one day it will break. But we cannot assume that just because you are changing, you are moving forward. You could be going the wrong way, you could get into a dead end. We have to consciously find the right way forward so as to avoid problems which other countries have run into. Singapore is not quite the same as other countries.

Many things have changed but one thing has not changed and that is that we still need a capable and effective government. We are a small country. We are successful but our success remains an act of will. Levitate, stay there, do not fall down, do not lose that determination to keep levitating and keep performing and rise higher.

If we have bad leadership, if you made the wrong policies or do the wrong thing, you can easily fail. Therefore we are different from other countries. We cannot have a low-key government unlike, say, Switzerland where you just have a council of ministers and the ministers take turns to be the Prime Minister or like the Scandinavian countries where it is a very homogenous society, your neighbours are also successful societies similar to yours and the society can run itself, civil servants can run it and the politicians, well, you add to the system but life can go on.

Least of all can we afford in Singapore gridlock or malfunction, which happens in many first world parliaments. Belgium is a very interesting case. In 67 years, they have had 45 governments. So about once every year plus and for the last days, since the last election, they have had no government at all because they have not been able to form a coalition.

There is no vote of confidence, so there is no government but the old Prime Minister is still there and he is still conducting business and life goes on. Japan, a much more established society than us, has had six Prime Ministers in five years. I think if that happens to Singapore, we are in serious trouble.

So how do we respond to this new political situation? I think first of all we have to take a much more open approach to government and to governance. The way we organize ourselves, the way we conduct our affairs. We need to welcome different views, reach out to diverse groups, including critics, hear them, exchange with them, pick up ideas from them, persuade them.

We will share more information with the public, whether it is information on population trends, whether it is information on our employment figures or foreign workers, even GIC investments. We are publishing more information now than we used to do, whatever we can. Not everything can be disclosed — we do not want to tell the world the overall size of our reserves and we cannot publish our defence plans.

But wherever possible, we would disclose more rather than less. As we go forward, we will review the rules and what we are putting out and I am sure over time we will do progressively more. We need to engage citizens more in the decisions affecting them across a wide range, from special groups, VWOs, helping special needs children or nature groups or animal welfare groups, to specific issues which are important but where there are specific groups which are concerned like looking at the CPF which concerns workers, employers and older workers.

But even on broader issues, like population, like immigration, I think it is constructive of us to have a discussion, to debate, to examine the facts, to understand what the tradeoffs are, to focus minds. It is not a conclusive last word but it was a very helpful contribution to the public debate. I think it helped to educate people and make them understand what this is about and I think over the next year, we will put out more papers, we will discuss them, get people to focus their minds and to understand that we actually face very serious tradeoffs.

There is no free lunch, you can say you want to have fewer, but if you have fewer, there are serious consequences. But the public debate is not a free-for-all and there are risks. The French tried this. They had a debate on what it meant to be French because they wanted to close over some of the fault lines in society — between the immigrants, the Muslims and the non-Muslims in France. But it took a nasty turn, it became a xenophobic discussion, the Government had to try and smooth things down and distance themselves from the debate.

So while we debate sensitive issues, we have to be very careful not to let sensible, moderate, thoughtful views be drowned out by unthinking xenophobia. So that is the first thing we do. Take a more open approach to government. The second thing we must do is to have more space for civic society and pull the Government back wherever possible so as to have Singaporeans take the lead and act on their own.

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